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Nepalis play Russian roulette in distant war

Across the world, borders are being increasingly fenced. The US-Mexico border wall is being elongated to 1,200km to keep migrants out. Israel has walled itself from Palestine. The floodlit India-Pakistan iron curtain can be seen from space at night. Bangladesh is almost completely fenced off from India.&nbsp;
Now, India’s Home Minister Amit Shah has announced that a barbed wire fence is going up along India’s 1,643km border with Burma. The announcement has raised fears that it will disrupt age-old cultural and family ties that predate British rule.
Ethnic violence in Manipur, as well as anti-government insurgencies on both sides have made the border a flashpoint. Even so, the barbed wire proposal has spread despair among residents of the Indian states of Arunachal, Nagaland, Manipur and Mizoram that border Burma.&nbsp;
Most of the India-Burma border is dense mountain forest, and the scene of epic battles between the Japanese and British forces in which many Nepali soldiers died. A barbed wire fence is not just difficult to build in this terrain, it will be hard and expensive to maintain.&nbsp;
New Delhi has security concerns, but here in the Burmese borderlands there is worry that families and communities will be torn apart. This boundary is similar to the Nepal-India border, where there are marriage ties, families own property on both sides.&nbsp;
There is some debate about the need for a border fence in India, but in Burma’s controlled society there is not even a murmur. A fence will likely block supply lines for rebels fighting the repression of the Burmese military junta.&nbsp;
Hard borders separate the territories of nation states, and in doing so they also divide people that were once one. Over time, borders tend to slowly erase these historical bonds and a collective cultural lived experience.
A national boundary is already an artificial construct, barbed wire makes it even more artificial. Politicians fanning populist nationalism are obsessed with border security, and want to build walls to barricade historical people-to-people ties.
Nations and their rulers, even if they are world powers, are ultra possessive about territory and take umbrage at maps that do not accurately represent their claim. There is something almost primordial about this mindset, like wild animals marking and defending the perimeters of their domain.&nbsp;
Ever since I <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/borderlines/caste-vote">started writing this column from Birganj</a> in Nepali Times last year, I have been trying to find a Nepali word that describes the cultural, social, economic, ecological ties that bind the peoples of the borderlands.&nbsp;
The best word I have come up with is सीमांचल (Simanchal) which by coincidence is almost an exact translation of this column series: Borderlines. The word has the connotation of a political demarcation, it denotes citizenship, but it does not allude to any barbed wire fence, it means being able to crisscross a national boundary without any fear or hindrance.&nbsp;
Such a borderless world now exists between Schengen member countries, but then Fortress Europe is now building a dozen new ‘berlin Walls’ to keep outsiders out, while giving its own citizens complete, but one-sided, freedom of movement in and out.&nbsp;
There may be an international border running between them, but Nepalis and Indians of &nbsp;the सीमांचल speak the same language, observe the same festivals, and marry each other. Border people have an identity different from the centre. A border may have been defined by a treaty (usually after war) to separate people, but people of the borderlands keep transboundary ties strong.
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/borderlines/nepal-india-trans-boundary-bonds">Nepal-India trans-boundary bonds</a>, Chandra Kishore
A barbed wire fence arouses fear and suspicion, but the people of Simanchal spread hope and trust. The capital sees the border as the line where its jurisdiction ends, borderland people see it as the place where sovereignty begins. The Simanchal melds political and cultural identity into one.
When the nation state is weak, and the centre cannot hold, it is the periphery that defends the border. They are the true writers of history.
In 2018, India and Burma agreed on free movement for people living up to 16km on either side. This made it convenient for Burmese border dwellers to come to India for trade, education, medical service. But there was also inflated security concern about refugees, human traffickers, weapons, and drugs coming across.&nbsp;
Former Nepal-based Indian diplomat and expert on the Northeast, John S Shilshi who is himself from Manipur, told me recently: “As long as local sentiments are not addressed, this barb wire border fence will not work. It could also go against India’s own ‘Look East’ policy.”&nbsp;
Although the Nepal-India border is seen as a model for openness, there are new challenges. The Vajpayee government stationed SSB border police along the Nepal border, and now with elections approaching, another BJP government has further tightened security. Meanwhile, extremism and religious intolerance is seeping across. &nbsp;
Bilateral nation-to-nation ties between India and Nepal are always tangled, there is a move to build local initiatives. While we wait for Kathmandu and New Delhi to sort things out border cities on both sides are getting together on their own: Biratnagar-Jogbani, Birganj-Raxaul, Nepaganj-Rupedia, Bhairawa-Sonauli.
<a href="https://twitter.com/Kishore_chandra">Chandra Kishore</a> is a Birganj-based commentator who writes this monthly column Borderlines for Nepali Times.

Chandra Kishore

Barbwire borders

The new left-led coalition in Kathmandu could pave the way for progress on finally addressing conflict atrocities, but first the government’s proposed bill in Parliament needs some important changes to ensure justice for victims. Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal has held several meetings with opposition leader K P Oli of the UML over the past few months because he knew that the bill could not be passed without UML support. Dahal was under pressure from the international community, including from United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres during his visit to Nepal in October to conclude the transitional justice process. On Tuesday, <a href="http://www.hrw.org/asia/nepal">Human Rights Watch (HRW)</a> and the group Advocacy Forum-Nepal released a report that said although the <a href="https://www.hrw.org/asia/nepal">Nepal</a> government’s proposed bill on transitional justice contains positive provisions, but needs ‘significant amendments’. ‘It is widely recognised that a lack of accountability for conflict-era violations has led to a crisis of impunity in Nepal, with police and politicians rarely held accountable for rights violations and corruption,’ the two organisations said in a statement.&nbsp; But they added that the current moment presents the opportunity to amend the draft so that the demands of victims and survivors of the 1996-2006 conflict are met. More than 17,000 Nepalis, mostly civilians, were killed and some 3,288 are still listed as missing. HRW said that the work of rights activists had ensured built public pressure to improve the draft bill, but it still allowed those responsible for serious war crimes and crimes against humanity to not be answerable.&nbsp; The HRW Advocacy Forum report, <a href="https://www.hrw.org/node/387537">Breaking Barriers to Justice: Nepal’s Long Struggle for Accountability, Truth and Reparations</a> analyses the proposed law and reviews some cases where there were obstructions to justice by the Nepali state, which is made up of the former enemies in the conflict.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240306110324_81106a42b6e16cc935bacb7d2315487adc45b250b4b032276a0819db1918818c.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20240306110324_81106a42b6e16cc935bacb7d2315487adc45b250b4b032276a0819db1918818c" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="TJ Bill"> </figure>  Survivors of war rape and relatives of victims filed complaints in 62 extrajudicial killings, and the organisations say that the draft does not meet international legal standards, rulings by Nepal’s &nbsp;<a href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2020/05/01/nepal-supreme-courts-decision-reaffirms-need-amend-transitional-justice-law">Supreme Court</a> and demands of victims’ families. “To deliver a durable and rights-respecting process without further delay, Nepal’s leaders should agree to amendments called for by victims and recommended by legal experts, then ask parliament to pass the bill into law,” said <a href="https://www.hrw.org/about/people/meenakshi-ganguly">Meenakshi Ganguly</a>, HRW’s deputy Asia director. "This is a moment of opportunity to deliver the truth, justice, and reparations long sought by victims and help protect the rights of all Nepalis in the future." The conflict ended 18 years ago with the signing of the 2006 Comprehensive Peace Agreement under which mandated setting up a <a href="http://www.trc.gov.np/">Truth and Reconciliation Commission</a> (TRC) and a Commission on the Investigation of Enforced Disappeared Persons (CIEDP). During Secretary-General Guterres’ visit Prime Minister Dahal from the Maoist Centre party promised ‘speedy advancement’ of the peace process. The current bill provides for reparations and interim relief for some victims, including victims of torture and rape, who were left out of earlier relief packages. It guarantees the right of the families of victims of enforced disappearance to their relatives’ property.&nbsp; The TRC and (CIEDP) would investigate war crimes and those classified as ‘serious violations of human rights’ could be referred to and prosecuted in a special court. This includes rape, enforced disappearance, and cruel or inhuman torture, and a yet to be finalised definition of unlawful killing.&nbsp; However, HRW says the bill excludes numerous serious crimes under international law, including some acts of torture and other unlawful killings. It says excluding certain categories of crime risks providing general amnesty to perpetrators, as well as deprive some victims and their families from reparations.&nbsp; “If the transitional justice bill is passed without appropriate amendments, it risks hindering the search for justice,” said Bikash Basnet of Advocacy Forum. “If it is appropriately amended, it can be the basis for a meaningful, nationally-owned process that upholds the rights of victims and benefits all Nepalis by strengthening institutions and the rule of law.” Click here for full report, <a href="https://www.hrw.org/node/387537">Struggle for Accountability, Truth and Reparations</a>

Nepal’s chance on transitional justice

It is widely known that a significant trade and currency dispute between Nepal and Tibet that began in 1788 led to a military conflict between China and the Gorkha Kingdom. The outcome of this <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/sino-nepal-ties-in-the-post-afghan-era">Sino-Gorkha War </a>in 1791-92, particularly the question of who emerged victorious, however, remained uncertain and subject to debate. The emergence of a hitherto unknown war report of 1793 sheds not only new light on this question, but may also offer insights into contemporary global peace challenges. Scholars relying on Chinese and Tibetan sources assert that China emerged victorious, and that Nepal was required to dispatch a quinquennial mission bearing valuable goods to the imperial palace in Beijing.&nbsp; Chinese scholar Wei Yuan, in his Military History of the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/losing-loose-change-in-nepal">Qing Dynasty</a> (Shèngwu Ji) wrote: ‘The request of the rebels (the Gorkhalis) for surrender was granted.’&nbsp; Similarly, an inscription from 1792, found on a stone slab beneath the Potala in Lhasa, attributed to the Chinese emperor, reads: ‘Now that the Gorkhas have submitted to me, the imperial army has been withdrawn.’ Qing paintings also depict an ostentatious victory banquet. However, this claim of Chinese victory has been occasionally contradicted by Nepali and Western scholars who both rely on scarce Nepali sources. For example, the Nepalikabhupa-Vamsavali (misleadingly known as the ‘Wright Chronicle’) states: ‘(<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/12-full-opinion/the-end-of-history">King Rana Bahadur Shah</a>) killed the Chinese army. He thus caused the Chinese Emperor to praise him.’&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240301110348_f49d0e1564b05298a0771f30977f976f785b26636dd430bd19c81ed2d2235b4f.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20240301110348_f49d0e1564b05298a0771f30977f976f785b26636dd430bd19c81ed2d2235b4f" data-rendition-name="original" width="1037" height="625" loading="lazy" alt="Sino-Nepal War"> <figcaption>Capture of Syaphru in present day Rasuwa District by the Chinese Army. Paintings and engravings commissioned by the Qianlong emperor of the Gorkha Campaign collaboration between Chinese and European painters. The Jesuit missionaries were involved in producing the drawings in China were Giuseppe Castiglione, Jean-Denis Attiret, Ignace Sichelbart and Jean Damascene.(Photo: ALL PHOTOS: NEPALI TIMES)</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240301110348_630572b9dcd2a41c2cb499b105e6c7ac3b5610f4d6185cc63d746f070bc0ff5e.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20240301110348_630572b9dcd2a41c2cb499b105e6c7ac3b5610f4d6185cc63d746f070bc0ff5e" data-rendition-name="original" width="1036" height="622" loading="lazy" alt="Sino-Nepal war"> <figcaption>The Qing celebration of consolidation of Tibet after the Gorkha Campaign in 1792.</figcaption> </figure>  Additionally, a letter attributed to Rana Bahadur Shah, addressed to officials sent for the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/from-nalapani-to-kalapani">conquest of Kumaon Garhwal</a> and published in 1957 by Dhana Bajra Bajracharya and Jnana Mani Nepala in Aitihasik Patrasamgraha (Vol 1.56-61), supports the notion of Nepali victory. Recently, a comprehensive Nepali war report has come to light, previously only indirectly or partially known. This report (sandhi) from 1793AD has been published by the project Documents on the History of Religion and Law of Pre-modern Nepal, a collaboration between the Heidelberg Academy of Sciences and Humanities and the National Archives in Kathmandu, established in 2016.&nbsp; The sandhi and its translation by Manik Bajracharya, Rajan Khatiwoda and Axel Michaels is publicly accessible. According to this 28-folio text, which details the course of the war from the initial clashes in Tibet in 1788 to the so-called Treaty of Betrawati in late 1792, Nepal emerged victorious in the final and decisive battle at Betrawati near Nuwakot. The sandhi recounts: ‘After realising that his troops had been defeated and had fled, the Minister (General Fuk’anggan) observed them through his binoculars and issued the following order: “Establish a strong checkpoint at the Betrawati bridge and do not allow any fleeing soldier who crosses the Betrawati river to pass. Chop off the nose of anyone who tries to cross, and also send additional troops.” The Minister himself came to this side of the bridge with 13 cannons. At that time, the Gorkha Maharaja’s troops at the checkpoint pushed back the Chinese troops to Betrawati. Since the Chinese troops were in a hurry, they were unable to complete building a new bridge.&nbsp; In their rush to cross the bridge, many Chinese soldiers drowned in the Betrawati. The remaining soldiers threw two cannons into the river out of fear of the Gorkha Maharaja’s troops, and many of them jumped into the river and died. When the Minister witnessed the defeat of his troops, he opened the way over the old bridge Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/beginning-of-the-end-of-the-gorkha-empire">Beginning of the end of the Gorkha empire</a>, Alisha Sijapati  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240301110348_f8b8ef2b8e7db243dfdbcfd6190176400c991219fe9508c08d839cff4d74fe6e.jpg" data-media-id="editor_7" data-image-id="20240301110348_f8b8ef2b8e7db243dfdbcfd6190176400c991219fe9508c08d839cff4d74fe6e" data-rendition-name="original" width="1012" height="612" loading="lazy" alt="Sino-Nepal war"> <figcaption>Battle of Betrawati</figcaption> </figure>  The sandhi continues with a peace offer in a quoted letter from the Chinese General to Rana Bahadur Shah: “In the midst of battle, victories and defeats are common occurrences. In such circumstances, no one should lose heart. Previously, I had communicated to the Gorkha Maharaja that we would resolve matters upon reaching Nuwakot. I had also instructed my troops to remain on this side of the bridge. Despite these precautions, we suffered losses (literally, ‘my troops died’). Let us consider this a tragic play, witnessed by myself. The populace, especially the underprivileged, must now feel extremely fearful. 'The Gorkha Maharaja and the British Resident need not fret about vacating Nuwakot, as I have decided to abandon my intention of advancing there. […] I will now draft a letter to the venerable Maharaja to appease him. I request you to also correspond with him, agreeing to the terms I will propose. If we can come to an agreement, I will withdraw my troops from your realm, report to the Chinese Emperor, persuade him, and arrange for numerous gifts (khillat) to be sent to the venerable Gorkha Maharaja and the <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=656">venerable saheba [Kirkpatrick]</a>.' It appears that both sides claimed victory. How was this possible? The key lies in the differing interpretations of the gifts exchanged. The Chinese referred to them as tribute (Chinese: gòng), while the Nepalis understood them primarily as ‘gifts’ (saugat, koseli). The sandhi details the agreed-upon terms: After five years, a representative of the Gorkha Maharaja will journey with a petition and offerings (saugat) to the Chinese Emperor, pay homage, and return with news. The Gorkha Maharaja and the King of Lhasa (the Dalai Lama) shall maintain their friendship and refrain from further hostilities, while both parties retain their respective territories. It was further decided that in transactions in Tibet, the unalloyed mahindramallī of the Gorkha Maharaja would be accepted at face value, while adulterated coins would be valued accordingly. Read also:<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-and-the-taliban-s-second-coming"> Nepal and the Taliban's second coming</a>, Kanak Mani Dixit Any enemy threat to the Gorkha Maharaja’s troops should be reported to the Chinese Emperor for potential military assistance. However, the existence of a formal peace treaty, the so-called Treaty of Betrawati, remains uncertain. The exact wording of this treaty has yet to be found in Nepali, Chinese or eventually Indian archives. In 1909, Padma Jang Bahadur Rana, the third son of Prime Minister Jang Bahadur, published an English text of the treaty without presenting an original document.&nbsp; Nepali scholar Yogi Naraharinath published a summary of this ‘contract’ in his Itihasa Prakashma Sandhi Patra Sangraha (BS 2012, vol. 1, p. 121), which closely aligns with the aforementioned points. He also notes that the treaty, written in English, is currently housed in the Jaisikothā office in Kathmandu.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240301120348_6918ee417cd84de38cf99946be3f7013c40cc959ab8ef0e12ab9a49f05467176.jpg" data-media-id="editor_10" data-image-id="20240301120348_6918ee417cd84de38cf99946be3f7013c40cc959ab8ef0e12ab9a49f05467176" data-rendition-name="original" width="763" height="355" loading="lazy" alt="Sino-nepal war"> </figure>  Paragraph 6 of this ‘treaty’ discusses the exchange of ‘products of their own country (aphaphna desha-ma ujjeko vastu)’ (Nepal and Tibet) to be sent to China every five years. This clause is pivotal, as it raises the question: are these products considered gifts, as most scholars understand them, or tribute payments? If interpreted as tribute, it would suggest that China emerged victorious and that Nepal acknowledged Chinese suzerainty. However, the sandhi mentions ceremonial and honorary gifts (najara) and presents (tohapha) sent to the Chinese emperor only in the preliminary peace agreement of 1789, negotiated in Kerung. All subsequent documents refer to saugat, meaning “gift” or “present”. For me, the answer to this question simultaneously resolves the conflict: both sides interpreted the terms differently, allowing each to declare victory. Sometimes, wars conclude with arrangements that enable both sides to claim success. Despite China’s evident superiority, Nepal avoided comprehensive defeat, while China failed to advance to Kathmandu, settling for an envoy (Amban) instead. Therefore, the Treaty of Betrawati offered certain advantages to both parties, albeit to varying degrees. The Rana prime ministers, grappling with issues of legitimacy, sought recognition as legitimate rulers through missions to China. Emphasising the importance of regular missions, the emperors placed Nepal on the outer periphery of their network of tributary states known as the Cefeng system, asserting their claim to universal power. The Treaty of Betrawati also highlights the divergent views on China’s suzerainty over Nepal (and Tibet). The lack of a clear victor in the war and Nepal’s relatively low significance to China contributed to this discrepancy. In addition to border reorganisation and fortification through watchtower construction, Nepal fulfilled smaller obligations such as returning looted items from the Tashi Lhunpo monastery.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240301110352_8be89e440deb5d824914ec0587d3c9dc1e5dd561fad6574ed0f444d6d07003f4.jpg" data-media-id="editor_11" data-image-id="20240301110352_8be89e440deb5d824914ec0587d3c9dc1e5dd561fad6574ed0f444d6d07003f4" data-rendition-name="original" width="2000" height="1563" loading="lazy" alt="Sino-Nepal war"> <figcaption>Recent rendering of the Battle of Betrawati at the Nepal Military Museum.</figcaption> </figure>  However, the five-year missions remained Nepal’s primary commitment, despite the Gorkha government’s increasing reluctance to fulfil them, ultimately discontinuing them from 1906 onwards. Conversely, China provided no military aid to Nepal, even during the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/the-start-of-the-anglo-gorkha-war">Anglo-Nepal War of 1814-16</a>, despite the agreements in the Treaty of Betrawati. Its impact was more pronounced in Tibet, where it led to the presence of influential Ambans like Song Yun (1752-1835) and diminished the authority of the Dalai Lama.&nbsp; The sandhi states: ‘While the Gorkha Maharaja’s Kaji and the (Dalai) Lama of Bhot (Tibet) once held political sway, they (the Tibetans) are now considered subjects/cultivators (raiyata) of China. In Bhot, Chinese directives govern all tasks.’ Thus, the Treaty of Betrawati underscores the parties’ contrasting views on China’s dominion over Nepal (and Tibet). The absence of a clear victor in the war, coupled with Nepal’s limited significance to China, contributed to this disparity.&nbsp; Despite border reorganisation and watchtower construction, Nepal’s fulfilment of smaller obligations, such as returning looted items from Tashi Lhunpo, and discontinuation of the five-year missions, China’s impact was more pronounced in Tibet, where it exerted authority through influential Ambans and curtailed the <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=14733">Dalai Lama</a>’s power. There are many ways to end a war – through victory and surrender, truce, scarce resources, fatigue or attrition. Even if there are only limited lessons to be learned from history, the solution to the Sino-Gorkha war, in which both parties could see themselves as winners, may make it seem advisable to rethink today’s military conflicts.&nbsp; Axel Michaels is with the Centre for Asian and Transcultural Studies (CATS) / Südasien-Institut der Universität Heidelberg and author of Nepal — A History from the Earliest Times to the Present Oxford University Press, 2024.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240301120344_a274b878f6082a05c8852790b086a3ac23a12efbfbf8dd67732b6ecc68c5aa0d.jpg" data-media-id="editor_14" data-image-id="20240301120344_a274b878f6082a05c8852790b086a3ac23a12efbfbf8dd67732b6ecc68c5aa0d" data-rendition-name="original" width="1352" height="1567" loading="lazy" alt="Sino-Nepal war"> </figure>

Neither side lost, both sides won

<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/the-start-of-the-anglo-gorkha-war">Bal Bhadra Kunwar </a>commanded the Gorkhali defenders of<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/from-nalapani-to-kalapani"> Nalapani Fort</a> as they faced a month-long siege by troops of the British East India Company in 1814. Vastly outnumbered, the 600 <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/review/letters-from-the-western-front">Nepali soldiers</a>, women and children inside were bombarded by British cannons. Hungry and thirsty, 70 of them finally broke out, leaving the dead and dying behind.&nbsp; For his brave defence of the fort against overwhelming enemy numbers, Bal Bhadra Kunwar is regarded as Nepal’s national hero to this day. Now, his sixth-generation descendant, Viking Kunwor (pictured, right) is making a living out of crafting the famous Gorkhali knife, the khukri, wielded in battle by his ancestor. In a narrow alley behind Boudha tucked between restaurants is the <a href="https://kilatools.com/">The Heritage Knives Nepa</a>l store selling hand-crafted khukris. On display are antique curved knives, some dating back to World War I and one of them bearing the inscription of Prime Minister Chandra Shumsher Rana. After escaping from Nalapani Fort in 1814, Bal Bhadra Kunwar fled to Lahore and commanded a Gorkhali regiment under Punjab king Ranjit Singh. He was killed in action near Peshawar during the Sikh-Afghan war in 1822.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240209140228_b7c77a04bc12d171add560d8c121777967c101dd44425c3294366a5d6f6eb226.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20240209140228_b7c77a04bc12d171add560d8c121777967c101dd44425c3294366a5d6f6eb226" data-rendition-name="original" width="5662" height="3775" loading="lazy" alt="VK Kunwor"> </figure>  Viking Kunwor was born to a Swedish mother and a Nepali father, and divides his time between Sweden and Nepal, drawn by his deepening fascination with Nepal's rich history in which his ancestor played such a heroic part. In Sweden, he is involved in the hospitality industry, and to remain rooted to the country of his brave forebears, Viking set up the khukri store in Boudha in 2019. Viking has toured Garhwal and Kumaon, visiting Nalapani and other battlefields from the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/beginning-of-the-end-of-the-gorkha-empire">Anglo-Nepal War </a>two centuries ago to find out more about Capt Bal Bhadra.&nbsp; There was not much except oral history about him, but many of Viking’s forebears ended up fighting in the British and Indian Armies, except Viking’s father.&nbsp; Because of the Gorkhali connection, Viking developed a strong passion for the craftsmanship that went into forging khukris, and the history of the iconic knife that struck fear into the hearts of enemies in historic battles around the world. “I initially pursued my passion for history and heritage studies, but shifted gears and became a chef in Sweden,” Viking told us during a recent visit to Nepal.&nbsp; His fascination with khukris, particularly their roles in the two World Wars and the variations used by different regiments intrigued him. He found that khukris issued to soldiers and those privately purchased were different. A khukri scabbard has pouches for smaller knives for more delicate cutting as well as a sharpening utensil.&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/beginning-of-the-end-of-the-gorkha-empire">Beginning of the end of the Gorkha Empire</a>, Alisha Sijapati  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240209140228_ba725f1316461b0b15ff3833b27705dad21225ce4cd1e5aa1be40c878d0ad96f.jpg" data-media-id="editor_7" data-image-id="20240209140228_ba725f1316461b0b15ff3833b27705dad21225ce4cd1e5aa1be40c878d0ad96f" data-rendition-name="original" width="5662" height="3775" loading="lazy" alt="VK Kunwoe"> </figure>  Examining their blades, styles and patterns, Kunwor discovered that modern knives did not match the quality of khukris made centuries ago. He wanted to find the lost process of making the perfect khukri by metalsmiths in the mountains of eastern Nepal. “Beyond their practical use, I was captivated by the cultural significance of the metalwork,” Viking said.&nbsp; He went to Dharan, renowned for its khukri makers, and tried to blend the scientific approach from his Swedish half with the traditional workmanship of his Nepali side. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/from-nalapani-to-kalapani">From Nalapani to Kalapani,</a> Alisha Sijapati  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240209140228_21b31ac725d3fd81e37dcc4e6e00a7eb3adbb64e3d719fb1e6ce7e731546564f.jpg" data-media-id="editor_9" data-image-id="20240209140228_21b31ac725d3fd81e37dcc4e6e00a7eb3adbb64e3d719fb1e6ce7e731546564f" data-rendition-name="original" width="3775" height="5662" loading="lazy" alt="Viking"> </figure>  He opened his shop, but nearly lost hope during the Covid lockdown. Now his khukri business is gaining traction, and Kunwor's knives are exported to Europe and the United States. Besides khukris, he also makes kitchen knives for which there now seems to be healthy demand in Nepal itself. Kunwor has also noted a shift in people's attitudes towards heritage preservation in Nepal.&nbsp; Many Nepalis are reaching out to him to clean and seek advice on maintaining ancestral swords that have adorned their prayer rooms. He helps willingly, because it invovles cultural preservation that is an integral part of Nepal's heritage. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/review/letters-from-the-western-front">Letters from the Western front</a>, Alisha Sijapati

Alisha Sijapati

Viking's khukri passion

Eight years ago, at a busy Thamel restaurant, a promising new plan to set up an animal vaccine facility in Nepal was born during a meeting with a professor from the University of California-Davis. The idea was to innovate a cold chain-free viral vaccine that could be transported to rural Nepal without logistical problems and, ultimately, to increase the accessibility of vaccines for small farmers. A government agency in the Netherlands agreed to chip in almost half a million euros to the project as a matching fund. A few Dutch investors along with Nepali companies were interested in the project as well. So a <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/alternative-investments-to-attract-fdi">Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) </a>company called BIOVAC Nepal was established in 2017. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/invest-in-investment">Invest in investment</a>, Nepali Times Data from the poultry sector showed that the venture made business sense and had high social impact. So we prepared to get this innovative high-tech company up and running. The Australian government also pledged money for additional research and enhanced manufacturing capacity. Everyone was excited. But very quickly, as happens often in Nepal, that excitement turned into frustration. Ahead of the Nepal Investment Summit 2024 from 21-24 April in Kathmandu, this is an account of how deep the rot has set in. Fix this before trying to attract any investors. Registration for the FDI company alone took almost a year, followed by senseless bureaucratic hurdles. We thought the Department of Livestock was the main agency for permits for an animal vaccine facility, only to find out a year later that it was the Department of Drug Administration (DDA). Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/alternative-investments-to-attract-fdi">Alternative investments to attract FDI</a>, Siddhant Raj Pandey There was no clear instruction and guidance and we were kept running around in circles trying to figure out the procedure. Finally, after six grueling years of effort, we set up a state-of-the-art animal vaccine research, development and manufacturing facility. It took another year and half to get a commercial license for our first product.  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240210140220_de2e166db4c2b9385179489558c94c9e83ee248a0532d01d2a4ce14b1a44d20f.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20240210140220_de2e166db4c2b9385179489558c94c9e83ee248a0532d01d2a4ce14b1a44d20f" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1125" loading="lazy" alt="entrepreneuship in Nepal"></figure>  The business culture in Nepal is so primitive that contracts are not worth the paper they are signed on. For vaccine commercialisation, we signed an agreement with a local distributor for exclusive partnership with volume commitments and a joint marketing effort. That did not go according to what was planned and agreed upon. But there was little we could do other than almost beg for help. Recovering money from issued invoices was excruciatingly difficult, if not impossible. After producing our thoroughly researched and tested vaccine, we then had to go the extra mile to prove that it actually worked. We published all our testing and validation data in internationally recognised and peer-reviewed scientific journals. Even then, we had to constantly face the doubts of Nepali farmers as we attempted to convince them that our product was as good as if not better than imported ones. But there seemed to be little faith in ‘Made in Nepal’. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/success-in-nepal-means-not-having-to-work">Success in Nepal means not having to work</a>, Anil Chitrakar Nepal’s poultry industry is inefficient in terms of production. For example, the productivity of the Cobb 500 broiler chicken in the US is almost 99%, meaning there is only a 1% loss due to mortality. The same breed of chicken in Nepal sometimes has a production efficiency of less than 70%. Disease outbreaks due to poor biosecurity and immunisation are the main reasons. BIOVAC provided a comprehensive disease prevention service, but was unable to convince farmers to sign up for measures that would guarantee better production success. There was a resistance to new ideas. The unpredictability in business projections meant that we had to look for additional funds. Local banks, although very approachable, are often boxed into traditional ways of lending money through real estate collaterals. Government directives are often lacking or confusing. Every investment loan is looked at from a real estate prism. Two of Nepal’s major universities produce hundreds of biotech graduates every year. A majority of them eventually emigrate. Over 16 years ago, we opened up one of Nepal’s most modern biotech companies. Since then, many of these graduates have been able to learn and work on cutting edge vaccine research and production. But instead of appreciation, we have been harassed and obstructed by government agencies every step of the way. Even ‘social impact investment’ providers who scrutinised our books told us we did not have a sound commercial plan. Some of the criticism was constructive, but they saw it as yet another ‘hydro’ project. The project was in the national interest, building not only vaccines but also the highly skilled human resources needed to go from a trading and importing nation to a country of cutting-edge innovation. The narrow definition of rate of return meant that the ‘social impact’ was lost in translation. Ever since I returned to Nepal from the US 16 years ago, I have seen a gradual breakdown of governance. The overall mood of the country is cynical and gloomy. Scientists and innovators are valued even less, which is why there is an exodus of our best and brightest. After dedicating almost seven years of my life to build something that we believed the country needed, my entrepreneurial urge is dampened. The odds are stacked against innovation and invention, this has become a land of rent-seekers and traders. Dibesh Karmacharya has a PhD in Conservation and Microbiome Genetics from Griffith University, Australia. He is the Founder/Chair of the Center for Molecular Dynamics Nepal, Intrepid Nepal and BIOVAC Nepal.

Killing investment in Nepal in 10 easy steps

One hundred years after Nepal’s Prime Minister Chandra Shumsher Rana signed a historic treaty with British envoy in Nepal W F T O’Connor, the ceremony has been remembered in the same palace chamber in Kathmandu. The ‘Treaty of Friendship between Great Britain and Nepal’ was signed on 21 December 1923 at the Belayati Baithak at Singha Darbar in Kathmandu. On the same day 100 years later, Nepal’s Foreign Minister N P Saud and British Ambassador Rob Fenn sat almost at the exit spot to reenact the event. The treaty is considered by historians as being the single most important accord in which the world’s sole colonial superpower at the time recognised and guaranteed Nepal’s sovereignty, and proof that the British considered Nepal an independent nation and different from Indian princely states.  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20231224021248_093d05a99c42d769b6b63eb21b1e9a59bda0b01eefe329b9ec5a62e5761e7f90.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20231224021248_093d05a99c42d769b6b63eb21b1e9a59bda0b01eefe329b9ec5a62e5761e7f90" data-rendition-name="original" width="1024" height="768" loading="lazy" alt="Nepal, Britain mark centenary of 1923 treaty NT "></figure>   <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20231224021248_5418b1c49013296154f9ebb4a2b55fbeb7b21c1303bdbbe15533b5991d7a9f2e.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20231224021248_5418b1c49013296154f9ebb4a2b55fbeb7b21c1303bdbbe15533b5991d7a9f2e" data-rendition-name="original" width="1024" height="768" loading="lazy" alt="Nepal, Britain mark centenary of 1923 treaty NT "></figure>  “Nepal was never colonised and was always a sovereign nation,” said Fenn at the centenary ceremony on Thursday. Saud, for his part, described the 1923 treaty as a “powerful document” which allowed Nepal to find common ground with a global power at a time when many Asian and African countries were under colonialism.  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20231224021248_093d05a99c42d769b6b63eb21b1e9a59bda0b01eefe329b9ec5a62e5761e7f90.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20231224021248_093d05a99c42d769b6b63eb21b1e9a59bda0b01eefe329b9ec5a62e5761e7f90" data-rendition-name="original" width="1024" height="768" loading="lazy" alt="Nepal, Britain mark centenary of 1923 treaty NT "></figure>   <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20231224021248_3d64314ed46c2f319e8794ca15cd9fd4cd2d3f20a5083c535646ec3ae8680f3e.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20231224021248_3d64314ed46c2f319e8794ca15cd9fd4cd2d3f20a5083c535646ec3ae8680f3e" data-rendition-name="original" width="768" height="613" loading="lazy" alt="Nepal, Britain mark centenary of 1923 treaty NT "></figure>  Nepal’s newly appointed Foreign Secretary Sewa Lamsal lauded Britain’s cooperation in Nepal’s development efforts in the past 100 years. She added: “Britain upgraded its residency in Kathmandu to an embassy, and Nepal’s relations with the international community began to expand after the treaty.” The Belayati Baithak state hall was used for ceremonial occasions at Singha Darbar, the grand palace that Chandra Shumsher built in 1908. It is inside the western facade of the Singha Darbar which is now the central secretariat of the Nepal government.  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20231224021248_cbecb8fa8b2fceb63274c1c867617932cf235b63c0ed47b5a3245f0994136079.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20231224021248_cbecb8fa8b2fceb63274c1c867617932cf235b63c0ed47b5a3245f0994136079" data-rendition-name="original" width="1024" height="768" loading="lazy" alt="Nepal, Britain mark centenary of 1923 treaty NT "></figure>   <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20231224021248_c1afa322a868baf0ccb26626ba821f636cf9478b859e3adb44d15e1623c5e7d9.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20231224021248_c1afa322a868baf0ccb26626ba821f636cf9478b859e3adb44d15e1623c5e7d9" data-rendition-name="original" width="768" height="1024" loading="lazy" alt="Nepal, Britain mark centenary of 1923 treaty NT "></figure>  It was saved during the devastating fire that destroyed most of Singha Darbar in 1972, and was badly damaged in the 2015 earthquake. Experts advised that it be demolished and be replaced with a modern building. However, heritage conservationists lobbied the National Reconstruction Authority to repair and retrofit the facade, and restore both the interior and the exterior to its original splendour. The neo-classical hall is 50m long and 10m wide and decorated with ornate mirrors, paintings and even a fountain which have all been reinstalled. The room opens out into a wide balcony that overlooks the front garden, the palace gate and the city beyond.

Nepal, Britain mark centenary of 1923 treaty

Fifteen years after a post-conflict Constituent Assembly abolished Nepal’s monarchy, growing public discontent with the successive governments is fuelling a drive to restore the country’s Hindu monarchy. There were last-ditch attempts to retain the monarchy in some form, but the assembly voted on 28 May 2008 to turn Nepal into a federal, democratic and secular republic. King Gyanendra held a chaotic press conference at Narayanhiti Palace and drove off to his residence, where he has remained a private citizen since. It was Nepal’s own ‘velvet revolution’--the country went from monarchy to republic without the king being hounded into exile or executed. And Gyanendra, till recently, has not made any overt political statements. But with the rise of the Hindu-right in BJP-ruled India, the ex-king has been attending large pro-monarchy rallies by the RPP possibly thinking that the time is now ripe to sit on the Serpent Throne for the third time.&nbsp; Journalist Kiran Nepal attended Gyanendra’s last press conference at the palace in 2008, and remembers how the palace guards abandoned their posts and media colleagues rowdily wrestled to sit on the royal chair to take photos. “The chaos after the king left the room was a striking illustration of what was to come, and I remember thinking--is this the country’s future under republicanism?” Nepal recalls. Indeed, although there have been 13 governments since the abolition of monarchy, most of the politicians are the same. Pushpa Kamal Dahal is Prime Minister for the third time, his coalition partner Sher Bahadur Deuba has been premier five times, the opposition UML’s K P Oli has also led the country three times. &nbsp; Most Nepalis say there is little to show for Nepal becoming a federal, secular republic. War crimes and high-profile corruption cases go unpunished, the president pardons a murderer serving a life sentence. Nepalis have one of the lowest per capita income in Asia, and half of all Nepalis in the 20-45 age group are working abroad--yet the government does not want to give them the right to vote.&nbsp; Besides those who genuinely feel that Nepal should have never abolished the monarchy, there are unsavoury characters who have also latched on to the bandwagon. A pro-monarchy demo last week in Kathmandu was organised by a bank defaulter who rallied others like him. Gyanendra kept away from this protest, travelling instead to attend the installation of a statue of Prithvi Narayan Shah in Jhapa organised by Rajendra Lingden of the Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP). Lingden and former journalist Rabindra Mishra of the RPP believe Nepal needs a strong symbol of national unity embodied by a king. They point to the long queues at Gyanendra’s tika ceremony this Dasain, comparing that to the few who attended the President’s ritual down the road.&nbsp; While keeping in the background, Gyanendra manages his social media presence to appeal to young Nepalis with clips of himself dancing to nationalistic songs at popular nightclubs. Even in Communist strongholds like Bhaktapur, there are large flag-waving crowds coming out to welcome him.&nbsp; Read also:<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/street-politics"> Street politics</a>, Shristi Karki “I strongly believe in preserving the institution of the monarchy because the country's future might be jeopardised without it,” the RPP’s Rabindra Mishra told us. “Prachanda’s ideology is taking the country into decline.”&nbsp; Although past public opinion polls have shown that a majority of Nepalis would want Nepal to revert to a Hindu state, it is not clear if there is similar support for the restoration of the monarchy because of the persona of Gyanendra and his son, Paras. Support for a Hindu state is due to most Nepalis taking the Nepali translation of secularism (धर्मनिरपेक्षता) to mean atheism, as well as the perception that there is rampant proselytisation by evangelical Christians. Into this mix, add geopolitics. Nepal’s federal, secular republican Constitution was guided by India’s centre-left parties. But since then New Delhi has seen regime change, and while foreign policy architects there may not necessarily want Nepal’s monarchy back, the BJP (with an eye on elections next year) may not be averse to erasing ‘secular’ from the Constitution. &nbsp;&nbsp; Gyanendra has been visiting India often, and on his last trip had a meeting with Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, who is also the high priest of the Gorkahnath monastic order linked to the kingdom of Gorkha, the seat of the Shah dynasty. &nbsp; Even though nearly 80% of Nepalis say they are Hindu, says Kiran Nepal, it is different from the political Hindutva spreading in India. Secularism was added to the Constitution to defuse ethnic tensions that arose while demarcating and naming the new provinces. Reverting this process may lead to instability in Nepal.&nbsp; Perhaps the person most responsible for Nepal becoming a republic is Gyanendra himself. Historians have noted that before 2008, Gyanendra was presented with various proposals under India’s ‘twin pillar’ policy to retain a ‘cultural monarchy’ or under a ‘baby king’ formula.&nbsp; Rabindra Mishra concedes: “His refusal to accept those options undeniably led to the end of the monarchy, influencing the current trajectory of our nation. But the former king is someone who has love, passion and aspiration for his country and its people, he is not hungry for power and money. He should return.” One of the foremost proponents of a secular republic was Maoist ideologue and one-time Prime Minister Baburam Bhattarai. He is increasingly worried that the political trends in India will affect Nepal, and wrote on X: ‘The return to a Hindu monarchy will plunge Nepal into a quagmire of counter-revolutionary instability which will also impact India.’&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/borderlines/crimson-saffron-and-green">Crimson, saffron and green</a>, Chandra Kishore &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;***** An excerpt of the interview with Rabindra Mishra of the Rastriya Prajatantra Party:  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20231201041248_6bde4ca2084865c26374cc0fde3cbc6d74676744eeb5da4b6e4895959421f700.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20231201041248_6bde4ca2084865c26374cc0fde3cbc6d74676744eeb5da4b6e4895959421f700" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Rabindra Mishra"> </figure>  Nepali Times: You didn't have any problems with the Constitution until you joined the RPP party. How come? Rabindra Mishra: Yes, until that time I was also ‘Prachandised’. We formed the joint party Sajha Bibeksheel in 2017 but I already had problems with the 2015 Constitution. The 12-point agreement only pertained removing an authoritarian monarchy and in agreement with the king, we agreed to keep the monarchy as an institution. The Constituent Assembly in its very first meeting on 17 April 2007 had also considered the eldest daughter as an heir to the throne. Secularism was neither the demand of the Madhes movement, of 12-point agreement, nor the People’s Movement. It came out of nowhere. Even with federalism, it was the Madhes that wanted it but the whole of Nepal wasn’t even asked about it. When all these new issues entered Nepali politics, I started having my reservations. It just was not done properly. I entered politics with the belief that Nepal can be saved with good governance, corruption control, equitable prosperity and development. But after three or four years I realised we were on the wrong road.&nbsp; Along with that, the relations between castes, languages and religions of Nepal have become very weak, bitter and sensitive. If I were to do politics only for you and my generation, I could easily become a minister, an ambassador or an MP? All my life I worked for myself, but politics must be about the country, and preparing for the challenges Nepal will face 30-40 years from now.&nbsp; Due to the country's geopolitical and internal sensitivities, I decided that it would not be in the interest of this country to follow the politics of Prachandapath in a Prachandised society. What do you mean exactly by Prachandaisation? The Maoist party is on the road to failure. But personally, Prachanda has been quite successful, he took the entire society and politics down his Prachanda "path". If he changes course, there may be some redemption, but at the rate it is going the Maoists will shrink further if they fight elections alone. However, he must take the entire responsibility for bringing federalism, republicanism and secularism to Nepal.&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/faith-in-tolerance">Faith in tolerance</a>, Editorial <div class="embed-block"><div><div style="left: 0; width: 100%; height: 0; position: relative; padding-bottom: 56.25%;"><iframe src="//cdn.iframe.ly/api/iframe?url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.youtube.com%2Fembed%2FArMSoMvZ_6E%3Fsi%3Debvic9U8XLE3grSH&key=87ca3314a9fa775b5c3a7726100694b0" style="top: 0; left: 0; width: 100%; height: 100%; position: absolute; border: 0;" allowfullscreen scrolling="no" allow="accelerometer *; clipboard-write *; encrypted-media *; gyroscope *; picture-in-picture *; web-share *;"></iframe></div></div></div> But secularism was agreed upon by two-thirds of the elected Constituent Assembly. First of all, you should not see elections as representing the will of the entire Nepali people. It is just an electoral vote. Now, when the king (former King Gyanendra Shah) goes to Janakpur, the centre of federalism, when he goes to Jhapa, the hub of Nepal's leftist movement, even if he goes to Bhaktapur, the stronghold of the Communist Nepal Majdoor Kisan Party, or Nepalganj, or Surkhet, or Dhangadi, wherever he goes, tens of thousands of people come out to welcome him. But why do they not vote in elections? No matter where you go to village teashops, temples or anywhere else, everyone says, 'This was a Hindu nation. By turning it into a secular republic everyone became a Christian.’ But they still vote for the secularists and republicans. Why? Federalism has become a problem, we have to support 40,000 people's representatives. Instead of one king, we now have a thousand kings. Still the people vote for federalism. In Nepal's context, there is a distinction between the electoral results and public opinion. Vote banks are captured by political parties, so that nothing can be changed. I have a counter question for you, is it the responsibility of journalists to protect the Constitution? Journalists say that this Constitution should be saved, the news is therefore one-sided. Opinions are also of one sided, and even if it is called a debate in a newspaper, they all take the same side. Is this allowed? For example, Nepal's media ignored the crowds that greeted King Gyanendra when he visited the bastion of the Newar community in Bhaktapur because they said it was the same king who censored the press at gunpoint in 2005. There is a tendency to do mission journalism. Rather than serving a thousand corrupt and incompetent leaders, I am ready to serve a king who saved this country even in difficult times, kept the country's honour high at the international level and contributed to the rapid development of the country in a certain period of time. In 2007-08, Nepal's leaders changed course, and the people were forced to follow suit. Now the entire country and the majority of the people have changed course, but the leaders have yet to change. When people demand change, change will come one way or other.&nbsp; What do you think of Durga Prasai and his rally? I appreciate the popular support that has been seen in favour of the monarchy. In whatever form and wherever it came from, it was for the return of the monarchy. The rally that was seen in Jhapa, Nepalganj, Itahari, Bhaktapur were more in favour of the monarchy than any individual's efforts.&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/india-s-hindutva-politics-influencing-nepal">India’s Hindutva politics influencing Nepal</a>, Santa Gaha Magar

Long leave the King

The Malaysia-Nepal migrant scam nexus

A Nepali mercenary fighting with the Russian Army has been captured in the Avdiivka by Ukrainians. <a href="https://twitter.com/Gerashchenko_en/status/1714955395037278371" target="_blank">A video posted on X </a>by Anton Gerashchenko @Geraschchenko_en shows Bibek Khatri, who says he is from Bardia confessing that he joined the Russian military to make money and make his mother proud. Nepali Times had earlier <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepalis-in-the-russian-army-want-to-quit" target="_blank">filed a story about Nepalis</a> in the Russian Army, including an interview with one soldier named Ramesh who had deserted from the Ukrainian frontline in Bakhmut. In a Nepali Times video interview, Ramesh said he was a health worker but unable to find a job in Nepal went to Russia where he worked in a factory but heard he could earn more by enlisting. Nepali youth have been lured to Russia with promises of earning Rs400,000 a month to fight in the Army. But many said they had been sent to the Ukrainian border with just a week of training and were not given the money promised by recruiters. They left Nepal on Russian tourist visas. In the video posted on Friday, Bibek Khatri says: "I wanted to return to my mother a successful man." <a href="https://twitter.com/Gerashchenko_en" target="_blank">Gerashchenko's X bio</a> says he is adviser to the Ukrainian Minister of Internal Affairs and founder of the Institute of the Future. It also says he is: 'Official enemy of Russian propaganda.' Bibek Khatri is also asked what he thinks of Vladimir Putin. His reply: "Putin seems to be like Hitler, the Russian system is not good." It is not clear if Khatri is speaking freely, or is being told what to say. He speaks in English. Nepalis are also on the Ukrainian side. After the Russian invasion, 4,000 Nepali students left Ukraine for Poland but some remained. A video on social media in early 2022 showed a Nepali man fighting for the Ukrainian side. Another Nepali, 63, &nbsp;married to a Ukrainian woman also joined the army because his son was also conscripted to fight the Russians.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230817160820_b05ecd7d69d59dbd29c8084b43f88c4fcb8156d98d92fb95461c5dc1a5f9a54f.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20230817160820_b05ecd7d69d59dbd29c8084b43f88c4fcb8156d98d92fb95461c5dc1a5f9a54f" data-rendition-name="original" width="1440" height="1080" loading="lazy" alt="Russian army soldiers"> <figcaption>Photos: POST BY NEPALI SOLDIERS ON TIKTOK</figcaption> </figure>  There are also unconfirmed reports that another Nepali soldier in the Russian Army, Sandip Thapaliya, was killed in action in Ukraine in July and that his body is buried near the frontlines. He had gone to Russia on a tourist visa and was hoping to travel on to western Europe, but was attracted by the high salary offered to be a Russian soldier.

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