The chief ministers of all seven provinces met last week in Hetauda to discuss their next step to pressure the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/federalism-rule-of-law-and-the-judiciary">federal government</a> to devolve political power to their provinces.&nbsp;
In a unique cross-party show of strength, the provincial leadership presented a joint memorandum to Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal in Kathmandu. Some of their demands were to transfer control of the police force, pass the long pending federal civil service law, hand over ownership of provincial infrastructure and natural resources, and last but not least, allow them to collect their own revenue. &nbsp;
This is not the first time the provinces have expressed their collective grievance. But Kathmandu, under various governments since the first elections under the new Constitution in 2017, has just been making empty promises.&nbsp;
Indeed, Nepal’s main political leaders who were themselves the architects of the federal constitution are <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/feudal-federalism">loath to devolve political power</a> that they have decentralised to local governments. Even their own party structure is wholly centralised not just in the central committee in Kathmandu, but in just one elderly alpha male in each party.
That Nepal’s leadership is lukewarm towards federalism is no big secret, they are unwilling to loosen their grip on power even to their own party leaders in the provinces and municipalities.
Eight years after the establishment of a <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/feudalism-to-federalism">three-tiered system of government</a> following a prolonged deadlock over the style of federalism that delayed the passage of the post-conflict 2015 Constitution, Nepal’s provinces are largely functionless.&nbsp;
For many Nepalis, the perception is that federalism is a corrupt and costly experiment that has failed miserably. Indeed, they have spent a fortune building luxurious lodgings for the provincial leadership in the upscale Bhaisepati neighbourhood. &nbsp;
In Nepal, federalism did not just signify devolution of power, but also the people’s sense of identity and belonging, and the participation of those historically excluded from the political process. This fact was reflected in the opposition of the people to the<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/kosi-now-kathmandu-next"> naming of Province 1 as Kosi</a>, and their demand for it to be renamed Kirat Limbuwan.
This is not a new struggle. The Madhes movement for federal restructuring after the decade-long armed conflict actually served as a catalyst for the establishment of the provincial system. The Maoists insisted on an ethnicity-based provincial model and the Nepali Congress was for a geographical delineation. The UML backed a hybrid model.&nbsp;
The Maoists have historically taken credit for the transformation of the governance system that allowed for the reflection of identity, while the UML and the NC have sought to maintain the status quo even after the establishment of federalism.&nbsp;
Prime Minister Dahal has directly interfered in provincial governance, which in this year’s case served to further inflame <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/east-is-east">social unrest in Kosi</a>.&nbsp;
For outsiders looking in who are removed from the nuances in Kosi, Madhes, and Sudar Paschim, and are only involved in Kathmandu-centred discourse, provincial governance and federalism have thus just become a burdensome extension of central politics.&nbsp;
Federalism will once more become an election issue in the 2027 polls as political parties succumb to the temptation to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/long-leave-the-king">adopt regressive, conservative</a>, and populist rhetoric to appeal to disenfranchised voters. &nbsp;
Bad mouthing federalism has become a favourite pastime for parties like the royal right RPP, which has simultaneously fed and fed off the public’s disenchantment with governance to call for the abolishment of federalism and the reestablishment of a Hindu monarchy.&nbsp;
Ironically, the party fielded the second-highest number of FPTP candidates to contest provincial elections in 2022.
Meanwhile, the new and independent Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) which did not field candidates for provincial elections in 2022, may not say it is against federalism in so many words, but has called it “useless” and “enabling corruption”. They have proposed to make the provincial assembly and parliament smaller.
The provinces today are indeed proxies of Kathmandu —seven mirrors which reflect the political incompetence of the central government instead of being fully functioning autonomous units.&nbsp;
Nepalis have been <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/year-of-reckoning">quick to blame federalism</a> when it is the politicians who have refused to let go of their control. The system of governance is not flawed, politicians that keep provinces on a tight leash are.&nbsp;
Nepal’s provinces are not incapable of fulfilling their function, they have not been allowed to explore their roles and responsibilities. Throwing out federalism is not the answer.&nbsp;
To dismantle federalism is to undo the years of work it took to promulgate the Constitution and to overlook the struggle, sacrifice and hard-earned achievements of countless people during the conflict that preceded the Constitution.&nbsp;
In order for Nepal’s democracy to truly function, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/un-centralising-the-federal-structure">federalism must be given a chance</a>.
Shristi Karki

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The F word

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114101116/637208209c7e80680e0b54cejpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1119"/><figcaption>Takam village (above) in Dhaulagiri Municipality is a model for how federalism should function. Photos: JOY STEPHENS</figcaption></figure>Bal Bir Biswakarma from the village of Lulang at the lap of Mt Dhaulagiri in Central Nepal is a 68-year-old subsistence farmer, descendants of metal smiths who settled here centuries ago to smelt copper ore.When the copper ran out, he became a high altitude porter, summiting Mt Lhotse and even rock climbing in Wyoming in the United States. But, as Joy Stephens <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/the-clouds-are-lifting-below-dhaulagiri/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">writes in her travelogue</a> most of his life Bal Bir Biswakarma has been living hand-to-mouth in this Dalit village high up in the mountains.Since 2017, Lulang is a part of Dhaulagiri Municipality and elected Thamsara Pun as mayor who took the revolutionary step of moving the headquarter from the traditional power centre of Takam to Muna village to make it better accessible to the region’s indigenous and Dalit populations.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114101116/637208239c7e80680e0b54cfjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="792"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>In the past five years, villagers have begun to see improvements in healthcare, education and jobs, thanks to political devolution gained through Nepal’s new federal structure. Pun is <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/all-politics-is-local/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">looking forward to fast-tracked local elections</a> on 18 May, and the chance to serve five more years.This is what federalism means in practice: giving voice to the voiceless, letting under-served communities take charge so they can better take care of themselves. Dhaulagiri Municipality is also a reminder to the squabbling political class in faraway Kathmandu, some of whom have prematurely declared federalism dead without even letting it prove its worth.Excitement about <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/think-nationally-vote-locally/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">local elections</a> is already palpable across rural Nepal, but a cynical and pessimistic political class in the national capital does not want to let go of power and resources. In fact, despite a federal Constitution, political decision-making is more centralised than ever before.While the rights of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/polls-in-the-time-of-pandemic/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">local governments</a> are enshrined in the Constitution, it is not followed in the spirit with access to resources for them to actually perform.“Federalism is the sum total of everything we Nepalis have gone through, from various governing structures to the Maoist conflict, the Madhes Movement and everything in between,” explains Khimlal Devkota, recently elected to the National Assembly.“Federalism stands for stability, development and devolution and we had high expectations, expecting quick results,” he adds. “In some ways we have succeeded, people don’t have to rely on Kathmandu for everything. But the centre is still involved in everything from hydropower plants to erecting view towers.”The 2015 Constitution <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/trial-error-democracy,3713" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">devolved rights to local and sub-national governments</a>, but the necessary laws were not in place until after elections. This meant a confusing transition regarding jurisdiction which threatened to undermine past gains in areas like community forestry, public health and education.“Coordination between the governments, vertical and horizontal, is a pillar of federalism and so is functional demarcation,” says Balananda Paudel who headed the Local Bodies Restructuring Commission. “Our laws are riddled with lack of clarity in some places and elsewhere there is a problem of overlapping functions for different levels of government.”This results in a perpetual blame-game between different levels of government, and a lack of accountability. <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/the-f-word/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Federalism</a>, therefore, is still work in progress and this year’s series of elections will hopefully result in greater devolution.One of the reasons federalism got a bad name is that in the past years, it also decentralised corruption. Of the 753 local governments, one-third have elected chairs and mayors who are contractors and have awarded themselves <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/hiding-their-head-in-the-sand/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">sand-mining</a>, road-building and quarrying  contracts.Which is why upcoming local elections are even more important -- to reward elected municipal governments who have worked for the people with another five-year term and reject those who did not.This might also be a time to question the purpose of retaining a parallel power structure composed of the District Administrations and the Chief District Officers. Its job of issuing citizenship papers and passports allows this unelected office of centralised bureaucrats to wield extraordinary power over ordinary people.Federalism has also multiplied central-level politics by seven. Bagmati Province recently set a new record with 70 mini-ministries in Hetauda to allow the coalition to keep power. Much of the last five years were wasted in <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/The-f-word-again,1426" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">endless debates about demarcation</a> of provincial boundaries and designating capitals. It took four years for Madhes Province to get its name, and Province 1 is still just a number.“We have made some headway in formulating laws and regulations, now we must bring it into practice, improving staffing for service delivery at local levels and promoting better coordination between and within levels by activating intergovernmental relations,” says Balananda Paudel.Just as democracy is only as effective as politicians, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/federalism-rule-of-law-and-the-judiciary/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">federalism</a> too will only function if it follows the true spirit of devolution of power and resources to the periphery. It needs political will at the centre to provide technical and financial support – something we have not seen in the last five years.Says Khimlal Devkota: “Citizens should be placed at the centre of all decision making. This can be done only by nurturing and strengthening federal practice.”

Sonia Awale

Power to the periphery

<figure><img width="1500" height="1000" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109151112/636bb5e49c7e80680e07bc2djpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Illustration: BHANU BHATTARAI</figcaption></figure>On 19 September, Nepal marked Constitution Day. It was on this day five years ago that the Constitution was hurriedly promulgated by a government facing severe criticism for being slow to respond to the deadly earthquakes earlier in 2015.
There was dissatisfaction with the draft Constitution in parts of the Tarai, but the coalition government of Prime Minister Sushil Koirala fast-tracked the statute despite India’s articulation of Madhesi concerns. The result was a blockade that lasted five months and devastated Nepal’s economy.
Today, the economy has been wrecked by an even bigger crisis. As masked and physically distanced dignitaries gathered last Saturday at the Tundikhel parade ground, Nepal Army helicopters showered rose petals on them – while at the adjacent Khula Manch, 600 out-of-work and hungry people were being fed, as they have been for five months, by youth volunteers doing the job of the government.
There could not have been a greater irony. After all, the Khula Manch was where pro-democracy protesters gathered in 1990 and again in 2006 in defiance of absolutist monarchies.
Fast forward five years, and what we have is a farce. Despite the Constitution having a progressive preamble, provisions for affirmative action, a commitment to abolish structural discrimination and protect social, economic and political rights, we have actually regressed.
The Constitution took one step forward, but the state has taken two steps back – especially after the Nepal Communist Party (NCP) government came to power. Not only are issues like transitional justice, impunity, freedom of expression, tolerance of dissent, independence of the judiciary flouted, but there is a pandemic of corruption and incompetent governance. 
The public was increasingly fed up with the government’s poor performance even before the pandemic, but in the past six months has shown that the crisis is way beyond its capacity to handle so the welfare of the country’s most vulnerable is protected.  
Through the Constitution-drafting process since 2008, we have <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/Divided,854">often argued in this space</a> against declaring Nepal a ‘federal’ state. Whatever it is called, genuine decentralisation and <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/political-cartel-trying-to-back-pedal-on-devolution,3813">workable political devolution</a> was more important for <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=10992#.X2rxjRAzaUk">development and service delivery</a> – whether it was during the Panchayat, the post-1990 era, or in the transition period after the war.
Indeed, it was after the decentralisation and local self-governance acts went into effect in Nepal in the 1990s that <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=6298#.X2rxLRAzaUk">development got a boost</a>. Giving communities a stake in decision-making led to direct and dramatic improvements in living standards in many districts. Indeed, most things that have worked well in Nepal in the past three decades have the word ‘community’ attached to it.     
But ‘federalism’ became synonymous with ‘peace’ because that was why the war was waged, and later it was the <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=15669#.X2rtkhAzaUk">price to be paid</a> to meet demands for <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/On-the-way-up/Who-is-the-Madhesi-subaltern-nepali-politics,850">regional and ethnic autonomy</a>. Political parties haggled for nearly a decade about <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=16487#.X2rtcBAzaUk">how many federal provinces</a> there should be, which way they <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=13361#.X2rtZxAzaUk">should be demarcated</a>, and what to name them, (some still have numbers). As it turned out, the boundaries of post-2017 ‘provinces’ roughly resemble the Panchayat-era anchal, and Bagmati, Karnali and Gandaki  evern carry the same river names. 
The ‘f’ word became <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=16441">politically correct and fashionable</a>. But the past five years have shown that no matter what you call it, power in Nepal is <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/Analysis/how-decentralised-is-federalism,776">as Kathmandu-centric as ever</a>. In fact, there was probably more genuine devolution in the 1990s than now <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/what-federalism-himal-media-poll,4162">under federalism</a>.
We should have known. Communists through modern history (Soviet Union, China under Mao) have used federalism as a façade to continue with their ideology of ‘democratic centralism’. It is no wonder, then, that today’s NCP government has more power than any other government since the days of the absolute monarchy, and it is all centralised not just in Singha Darbar but inside one room in Baluwatar.
The other obstacle to decentralisation under federalism is that except Province 2, all the others are <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/Analysis/how-decentralised-is-federalism,776">governed by the NCP</a> after 2017. Provincial leaders therefore have more allegiance to the party headquarters from where all power emanates.
As <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/covid-19-lessons-for-kathmandu-from-the-tarai/">our report on Covid-19</a> shows, the way Province 2 and Tarai municipalities have handled testing and contact tracing during the pandemic despite the stranglehold of the federal government, is a lesson for Kathmandu. Most other places, the Home Ministry through CDOs and the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/federalism-leaves-nepals-medical-sector-ailing/">Ministry of Health through provincial hospitals</a> are still directing response – with often disastrous results.
Now that we are <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/himal-poll-expectations,4153">stuck with a federal state</a>, let us try to make the best of it by practicing what it really means: true devolution of political decision-making, effective service delivery and resource distribution to local governments.

The ‘f’ word

<figure><img width="1000" height="1500" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108111156/636a35fe9c7e80680e0482dfjpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Pic: BIKRAM RAI</figcaption></figure>Suresh Shakya (pictured above) was sitting down for lunch with his family in his house in Itum Bahal four years ago when there was a terrifying, subterranean growl, and his building started shaking.Shakya, 46, knew it was an earthquake, and while he was concerned the house could collapse, he was even more afraid that an adjacent, new 10-floor highrise that a neighbour had built would topple on him.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108111156/636a36019c7e80680e0482e0jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1000" height="454">Outside, it was difficult to stand as the ground rolled. An hour later, there was a big aftershock and Shakya remembers the tall building swaying like a tree in a storm, creating deep gashes on his house, which remains propped up by timber to this day.Seismologists warn that the quake four years ago this month was just a warning, and that Nepal faces serious risk from even bigger earthquakes in future. This precarious highrise is not likely to survive those ones.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/?p=25092&amp;preview=true" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Lessons Unlearnt</a>, Editorial<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/?p=25110&amp;preview=true" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Shaking up the health sector</a>, Sewa Bhattarai<a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/?p=25119&amp;preview=true" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Quake was a learning experience for Nepal’s schools</a>, Prakriti KandelOn the fourth anniversary of the 25 April 2015 earthquake, experts warn that attention should now shift to retrofitting and strengthening hospitals and schools across the country. More than 1,000 health facilities and 5,000 schools were completely destroyed in 2015, and tens of thousands of children could have been killed if the disaster had happened on a weekday.  Hospitals and schools flattened in the 2015 earthquake are being rebuilt, but what about the rest of Nepal vulnerable to future quakes? A recent Ministry of Health (MoH) study showed the government hospital in Nepalganj was structurally so weak that it needs to be demolished, and recommends retrofitting four other hospitals in Western Nepal that do not meet the WHO Health Safety Index."The study is a warning. The condition of rural health facilities across Nepal is similar, and we need to quickly retrofit them before the next disaster strikes,” says Chudamani Bhandari of the Health Emergency and Disaster Management Unit at the MoH. "Western Nepal is in greater danger of a big earthquake, so we have decided to focus there."The Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Act of 2018 stipulates that the main responsibility of managing crises now lies at the local level, but the MoH says it first wants to build capacity at the provincial level.Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepals-traditional-seismic-resistant-designs/" target="_blank" rel="noopener"> </a><a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepals-traditional-seismic-resistant-designs/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Nepal's traditional seismic resistant designs</a>, Sheilin Teo<a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/building-back-cheaper-and-stronger/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Building back cheaper and stronger</a>, Sapana Shakya and Aman Raj KhatakoHowever, the first step must be to carry out a baseline safety inspection of medical centres all over the country. The National Reconstruction Authority (NRA) plans a survey of schools and hospitals, but only after it is done with reconstruction.The National Society for Earthquake Technology (NSET) is also resuming its retrofitting of schools in Western Nepal that it had started before 2015. Says NSET’s Surya Narayan Shrestha: "We need to concentrate on Western Nepal because the vulnerability of public buildings there is high.” Western Nepal is said to be particularly at risk because it has not had a mega-earthquake for the past 500 years. DFID is supporting NSET with a Safer Schools Project to retrofit classrooms in the region.Schools are important community hubs and strengthening them can raise public awareness about safer construction in areas that are at high risk. In fact, 2015 itself provided a lesson for schools. Deepak Sharma of the Ministry of Education explains: "The few schools that were retrofitted before 2015 suffered no damage, so we are trying to retrofit schools in all districts for future earthquakes."Read also:  <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nirmala-pariyars-2nd-life/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Nirmala Pariyar's second life</a>, Ramu Sapkota<a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/nepal-is-being-loved-to-death/" target="_blank" rel="noopener"> Nepal is being loved to death</a>, Anil Chitrakar

Tall Order

Nepal’s oldest maternity hospital is still recovering from the April 2015 earthquake: its main building had to be demolished after earning a red sticker because of its structural damage. Soon, it will move into a new seismic-resistant wing, designed to withstand future earthquakes. For now, the hospital is working out of temporary cramped quarters offering only 375 beds out of the normal 415. But when the new building is inaugurated next month, the hospital will have more capacity, lecture rooms, an emergency ward, operating theatres and an ante-natal section. <div class="embed-block"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108111156/636a36329c7e80680e0482f4jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1000" height="454"></div> Hospital director Jageshwor Gautam looks excited to show &nbsp;visitors around the construction site. “We expect our work to be much easier when the new building is completed and we can use the new space,” he says. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/?p=25119&amp;preview=true" target="_blank">Quake was a learning experience for Nepal’s schools</a>, Prakriti Kandel <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/?p=25092&amp;preview=true" target="_blank">Lessons Unlearnt</a>, Editorial&nbsp; <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/tall-order/" target="_blank">Tall order</a>, Sewa Bhattarai and Prakriti Kandel The project is supported by the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA), built by consultant Hazama Ando and is expected to be handed over on 15 May. The 2015 earthquake damaged 1,197 health facilities across Nepal, offering them a chance to rebuild so they can withstand future quakes. A survey done before the 2015 disaster had shown that of the 14 hospitals tested in Kathmandu, only 2 (Teaching Hospital and Patan Hospital, built by the Japanese) were seismic resistant. The situation in other parts of the country was even worse. <div class="embed-block"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108111156/636a36329c7e80680e0482f4jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1000" height="454"></div> JICA is working to rebuild modern and safe hospital wings at Paropakar Maternity Hospital (pictured, right) and Bir Hospital, both in Kathmandu. They will enjoy advanced technologies like motion-sensor taps in order to reduce infections in washrooms, flush systems that reuse water from handwashing, handicapped-friendly toilets and treatment plants for hospital waste. Elsewhere in the quake-affected areas, however, reconstruction of health facilities is not going as well. Only 55% of the health posts and hospitals that were damaged or destroyed have been repaired, according to the National Reconstruction Authority (NRA). “The construction of hospitals was delayed due to technical reasons, but now they are our top priority,” says Manohar Ghimire of the NRA. “Of the 643 structures built, most are pre-fab structures which have already been handed over to the communities. Now we are focusing on rebuilding the rest.” The reconstruction of health facilities was delayed because the central government could not agree on who should rebuild them. The Ministry of Health and Population had planned to do it, before passing it on to the NRA almost a year after the earthquake, where the plans faced further delays. That cost a total delay of two years, resulting in a reconstruction rate of only 53%, when the target was 65%. Read also:&nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepals-traditional-seismic-resistant-designs/" target="_blank">Nepal's traditional seismic resistant designs</a>, Sheilin Teo <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/building-back-cheaper-and-stronger/" target="_blank">Building back cheaper and stronger</a>, Sapana Shakya and Aman Raj Khatako <div class="embed-block"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108111156/636a36369c7e80680e0482f6jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1400" height="786">Nepal's oldest maternity hospital is currently operating out of cramped quarters, forced to put some beds in corridors due to lack of space.</div> Of the 524 medical facilities that need to be rebuilt, 145 are under construction, while the rest seem to be inordinately delayed due to technical reasons. "Many health centres do not have their own land, and there are no guidelines for buying land. We can only build on already available land," says Pranaya Upadhyaya, senior Public Health Administrator at the Ministry of Health. "Before the earthquake, many were operating from schools or other government buildings. But now we have strict standards for medical facilities including size of land, type of soil, etc. The institutes that are having a hard time fulfilling these criteria are the one that are delayed." Upadhyay informs that work has not begun on the 250 health centres that the Indian government committed to, which contributes to the reason more than 500 of them remain to be built. Even if the earthquake had not occurred, Nepal’s health sector needed a structural revamp. A survey two decades ago of 14 hospitals in Kathmandu by the National Society for Earthquake Technology (NSET) showed that only two of the facilities would be fully functional if hit by a high-intensity earthquake, and four would be partially operational. Read also:&nbsp; <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nirmala-pariyars-2nd-life/" target="_blank">Nirmala Pariyar's second life</a>, Ramu Sapkota <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/nepal-is-being-loved-to-death/" target="_blank">Nepal is being loved to death</a>, Anil Chitrakar Survey leader Ramesh Guragain explains that quake intensity is not just &nbsp;measured in the Richter scale, but by many other factors like depth, type of soil and distance from the epicentre. Which means that the intensity of the 2015 earthquake caused greater damage nearer the epicentre than in districts around Kathmandu. A subsequent NSET survey of five regional hospitals outside Kathmandu also showed that Nepal’s health care centres are structurally unprepared for future large-scale disasters. Although services and facilities in some of the hospitals have improved, the structures within which they are housed are weak and could collapse. Kathmandu’s oldest medical centre, Bir Hospital, in the heart of the city, has no space for expansion. After the 2015 earthquake damaged its mortuary, the hospital is constructing a new building in its place, which will also house its nephrology, cardiology and gastrology departments, but it is still short of space. “Even after we start using our new facilities, we will need more space for the nursing campus, pediatric and maternity departments, organ transplant centre and many other services,” says Bir’s director Kedar Prasad Century, adding that there is no option but to expand to Duwakot in Bhaktapur, outside of Kathmandu. Hospitals with large capacity will be much in demand after the next earthquake, and if they are knocked out of service, the injured will have nowhere to go. In 2015, many hospitals worked in the open or out of tents for months after the earthquake. “In order to avoid such a situation in future, it is imperative that the reconstruction and retrofitting of hospitals be carried out with the utmost priority,” says NSET’s Guragain. If this is the situation in Nepal’s privileged capital, one can only imagine what it is like in district hospitals. Many of the buildings are in advanced stages of disrepair, lack hygiene and are overcrowded, even in normal times. During disasters, hospitals will have to cope with a large influx of patients but the medical centres themselves will have suffered damage. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/aint-seen-nothing-yet/" target="_blank">Ain't seen nothing yet</a>, Editorial

Shaking up the health sector

<figure><img width="1000" height="2392" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108111156/636a36059c7e80680e0482e1jpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Photo: BIKRAM RAI</figcaption></figure>Four years later, Central Nepal is still being rocked by aftershocks of 2015. That peculiar earthquake shook everything to the east of the epicentre, and inflicted almost no damage at all to its west. The release of tectonic energy appears to have travelled along a rupture zone from Gorkha and ground to a halt somewhere beneath the southern edge of the Kathmandu Valley. The <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/aint-seen-nothing-yet/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">stored tension</a> of the 7.8 magnitude earthquake is only partially spent.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/?p=25110&amp;preview=true" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Shaking up the health sector</a>, Sewa Bhattarai<a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/?p=25119&amp;preview=true" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Quake was a learning experience for Nepal’s schools</a>, Prakriti Kandel<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/tall-order/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Tall order</a>, Sewa Bhattarai and Prakriti Kandel<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108111156/636a36079c7e80680e0482e2jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1000" height="454">For the first two years after the earthquake, memory was still fresh and we were careful about building back better. There was even talk of strictly enforcing the building code. <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/A-concrete-future,2251" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Look at us now</a>. The kinds of structures that are going up in Kathmandu prove that we have all but forgotten what an earthquake can do. There is still <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/page/not-out-of-danger-the-big-one" target="_blank" rel="noopener">the unfinished business</a> of 2015 beneath the Valley, and below western Nepal is <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/past-disasters-foretold/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">the ticking time bomb</a> of tension from the <a href="https://www.unr.edu/nevada-today/news/2016/nepal-earthquake-danger" target="_blank" rel="noopener">subduction</a> of the Indian plate into the Eurasian landmass, which has not been released for nearly 700 years.We still don’t seem to fathom <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/from-nepali-press/not-destructive-as-predicted-but-the-loss-is-still-great,2221" target="_blank" rel="noopener">how lucky we were</a> that the 2015 earthquake occurred on a Saturday, did not happen at night, and that it was below 8 magnitude. April 25 was a warning to enforce seismic-resistant designs in private homes, but especially public buildings. <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/class-struggle/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Schools</a> may not be so lucky next time, and classrooms need to be strengthened. Our hospitals have poor construction, as the destruction of a newly-built <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/being-prepared-for-monsoon-and-outbreaks,2293" target="_blank" rel="noopener">district hospital in Chautara</a> in 2015 proved. Pre-positioning supplies, digging equipment and designating open spaces for evacuation needs to happen now. Across Nepal, earthquake drills will be more important than singing the national anthem at assembly.https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hpABIXZIp2k&amp;feature=youtu.beWhile thinking and preparing ourselves for future shocks, there is also all the catching up we have to do to reach the most vulnerable survivors of the 2015 earthquake. It is not just about distributing the insufficient amount earmarked for rebuilding homes, but also rehabilitating families, providing skills training and finding jobs near home for them.The <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/disastrous-management-in-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">National Disaster Management Act</a> has been passed, but where is the <a href="https://nepalitimes.atavist.com/reconstruction-in-ruins" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Authority</a>? The NRA now needs to be phased out (it wasn’t much help anyway) to prepare for the Next Big Ones. It is a feeble hope, but let us not get bogged down in turf battles and allow the Home Ministry to mess it up with political appointments and job distribution to party faithful again.Under the federal structure, we have a new opportunity to decentralise disaster preparedness, planning and management.  Every municipality now has to take responsibility from ward level up, so that there is a search, rescue and relief plan in place. But given that so many mayors and local elected officials are contractors who are awarding construction jobs to themselves, there is not much hope. We wish the incompetence of Kathmandu Municipality in earthquake rehabilitation of monuments was an exception, but it is the rule. The delays in rebuilding <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/2016/08/29/halt-rani-pokhari-reconstruction/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Rani Pokhari</a> and <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/rebuilding-kasthamandap-nepal,4012" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Kastamandap</a> are national disasters in themselves. It is hard to figure out who is more culpable — Mayor Shakya or the Department of Archaeology. There are lessons to be learnt about how not to organise compensation for rebuilding. While a lot more of the grants have been cleared, there are many families who have found loopholes to build tiny cement sheds just to get their hands on the cash.As our coverage this past month in the run-up to the fourth anniversary of the quake, and in this issue, indicate: it is now time to also turn our attention to the seismic risk in the rest of the country. For the past four years, we have been in rehab mode, picking up the pieces of the damage in Central Nepal’s 14 districts. It bears repeating that the risk is now to the whole country from the massive slip that is bound to occur sooner or later in Western Nepal. There is no other way to put it: the death and destruction from it will be nationwide and catastrophic. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/aint-seen-nothing-yet/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Ain't seen nothing yet</a>, Editorial <h2>10 years ago this week</h2> This Editorial titled ‘Half full’ from issue #447 of 16-23 April 2009 tried to look at the bright side, but could not find much to be cheerful about. Not much has changed in Nepal in 10 years. Excerpt:‘Wonder if Pushpa Kamal Dahal, sitting in Baluwatar and preparing for his China visit, has any clue about the rising frustrations of the people. The Maoists may have got three of the six seats in the by-elections, but that is not the real barometer. Ask people stuck inside buses for 24 hours because the government can’t clear the week-long blockade of the country’s main national highway by flood victims. Ask city-dwellers who have seen no respite from power and water shortages.This coalition has spectacularly failed to deliver. There is no law and order, youth wings of ruling parties roam the streets and the police have no orders to intervene.’<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108111156/636a36089c7e80680e0482e3jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="508" height="811">

Lessons Unlearnt

Of all the parts of Kathmandu Valley worst hit in the <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/kundadixit/2015/05/27/a-month-that-felt-like-a-year/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">April 2015 earthquake</a> was the historic town of <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/abandoned-residents-of-Sankhu,2268" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Sankhu</a>. But this is also where elected local officials have achieved the most remarkable progress in rebuilding.At a time when the central government in Kathmandu has been blamed for unnecessary <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/building-homes-on-a-deadline/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">delays and excessive bureaucracy</a> in helping survivors rebuild homes, Sankhu is a model of how devolution of decision-making to municipal governments can speed things up.The earthquake that struck just before noon on 25 April four years ago killed 98 people and injured nearly 200 in this densely-packed town 20km northeast of Kathmandu. More than 6,000 of <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/2015/05/05/as-remote-as-kathmandu/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Sankhu</a>'s monuments and homes made of brick and mud were destroyed.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110811118/636a2ab99c7e80680e045931jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="309"/>Before the <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/unchartered-territory,4042" target="_blank" rel="noopener">2017 elections</a>, only 10% of the homes had been rebuilt, but since the new Shankharapur Municipal council took charge just over one year ago, more than half the buildings have been restored.Mayor Subarna Shrestha says the progress is mainly due to decentralisation of decision-making after <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/trial-error-democracy,3713" target="_blank" rel="noopener">local elections</a>: “Not only is reconstruction now the responsibility of local governments, but even we in the municipality have allowed local wards to decide on disbursement and approval. This has reduced red tape, and improved accountability in the distribution of <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/broken-promises-reconstruction,3627" target="_blank" rel="noopener">reconstruction grants</a>.”<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110811118/636a2abb9c7e80680e045932jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1400" height="1050"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Suresh Pradhan of the Sankhu Reconstruction Committee agrees that the central government did not do much for relief reconstruction, but things started picking up after the elected municipal council assumed office last year.“I think the municipality has been trying to make up for lost time by expediting the compensation of the third tranche and clearing the bureaucratic hurdles, and it is also working with local communities and heritage experts to help us gear up,” says Pradhan, but adds that a lot more needs to be done more rapidly.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110811118/636a2abe9c7e80680e045933jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1400" height="933"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure><a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/the-ancient-towns-destroyed-in-earthquake-two-months-on,2353" target="_blank" rel="noopener">The township</a> gets its name from its conch-like shape and earliest records of settlements here go back more than 1,000 years to the Lichhavi Era. Located below the ancient temple at Changu Narayan, Sankhu has important Hindu-Buddhist shrines like its Mahadev Temple and nearby Bajrayogini.The town had escaped the uncontrolled urbanisation of the nearby Kathmandu suburbs of Gokarna and Jorpati, but the new Melamchi highway and a spurt in post-earthquake reconstruction has unleashed a building spree along the fertile floodplains of the Manohara River.Says Suresh Pradhan: “Yes, a lot of the buildings have been rebuilt in the past year, but many are  concrete ones within the core heritage area of Sankhu. Now it is difficult to claim that the town is a heritage site.”Mayor Subarna Shrestha is aware of the need to protect the town’s precious Newa architectural heritage, and is determined to work with the local community not just to build back stronger  homes, but also to preserve the overall traditional look of the town. But he says this is an uphill battle.Since most of the buildings that went down were made with timber, brick and mud using traditional construction methods, and most of the cement buildings survived, there is now a tendency in Sankhu as in other parts of the Valley to <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/A-concrete-future,2251" target="_blank" rel="noopener">rebuild using concrete and glass</a>.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110811118/636a2ac19c7e80680e045934jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="695"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>The municipality is giving incentives to residents to rebuild in the original style by waiving property and house taxes, and providing Rs100,000 grants to families which use traditional raw materials and rebuild in the original style. Twenty-five houses have been rebuilt in this way.Mayor Shrestha admits that a lot of destroyed buildings were replaced with concrete structures in the three years after the earthquake, but says that a new code is being enforced so new buildings follow traditional styles.Four <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/earthquake-an-opportunity-to-rebuilt-education-system-not-just-fallen-schools,2336" target="_blank" rel="noopener">schools were completely destroyed</a> and 20 were damaged, but nearly all of them have been partially or fully rebuilt. Most of the 24 temples and <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Monumental-loss,2215" target="_blank" rel="noopener">monuments that were destroyed</a> are being rebuilt. Seventy-two of the 98 people killed were women, and the town says it prioritises <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/2000-widows-of-Nepal-earthquake-need-special-attention,2503" target="_blank" rel="noopener">those widowed</a> and orphaned for assistance.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110811118/636a2ac39c7e80680e045935jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="594" height="908">“Our street was unreconisable because all the houses had collapsed and there was rubble everywhere, but now Sankhu is looking much better thanks to the gods,” says 70-year-old Daya Laxmi Sharma, whose family survived even though the home was destroyed. The reconstruction is partially complete, and the family has had to sell part of the property to be able to afford to rebuild.Some survivors are waiting to rebuild because the government’s compensation of Rs300,000 in three tranches is slow in coming and is not enough. Indira Maya Shrestha, 60, lives a house that has now been divided into three portions by inheritance. She only got Rs15,000 from the government, which was her share, and it has all been spent.“Sankhu looks more prosperous, but I don’t know how safe these tall new buildings will be in the next earthquake,” she says.In his office Mayor Shrestha looks like someone who is used to hearing complaints. He says: “Obviously the 300,000 was never going to be enough to rebuild a home, but we managed to convince people that it was just a small help for them to initiate reconstruction.”

4 years after quake, Sankhu rises from the dust

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108101148/636a26969c7e80680e043a23jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="1527"/><figcaption>Photo: BIKRAM RAI</figcaption></figure>KP Oli is Nepal’s strongest prime minister since the <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/the-rana-reign-a-recap-of-history,3751" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Ranas</a>, yet as he marks his first year in office on Friday why does he appear so embattled?Oli has everything going for him: a strong majority in Parliament, a demoralised opposition, some young can-do ministers. But instead of communicating his accomplishments, he spent an entire interview this week attacking critics. (See below). Social media ridicule of his wild promises, skepticism of his schemes for <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/social-insecurity/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">social security</a> or unemployment allowance make him defensive.Instead of the opposition, Oli is battling ex-Maoist hardliners within his own party. The row over parallel statements on <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/a-yam-between-3-boulders/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Venezuela</a>, rift over celebrating the start of the Maoist revolution on Wednesday have put Oli on a collision course with co-Chair Pushpa Kamal Dahal. Even worse, Oli’s own former UML comrades mutter privately that he is going alone and listening to poor advice.We asked Oli this week to fill out his own report card on the first year of his second time as prime minister. Sound bites:<ul><li>They were jealous of my popularity two years ago, they accused me of being a nationalist. They were afraid Nepal would really develop under my leadership. The same thing is happening this time. No one talks about my achievements on federalism, the social security scheme, our progress in infrastructure. All the negative publicity is from people who cannot bear to see me being successful.</li> 	<li>There is an ideological prejudice. They are spreading disinformation about Indians needing work permits, disturbing Nepal’s foreign relations, they say I am <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/gagging-the-press-in-installments/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">constricting press freedom and democracy</a>. Who are these people who never fought for democracy, now saying it is threatened? A few are spreading fake news, it does not represent public opinion.</li> 	<li>They ridicule me about <a href="https://nepalitimes.atavist.com/the-tibet-train" target="_blank" rel="noopener">railways</a> and shipping, the really ridiculous thing is that with its great potential Nepal is still poor, there is greed and conspiracy, Nepalis still go hungry.</li> 	<li>Freedom of expression does not mean you can defame people, use foul language, be uncivil, indulge in character assassination. There is a trend to undermine the very people who are trying to stabilise society and take Nepal forward.</li> 	<li>There is an organised effort to spread lies that Nepal is a dictatorship, it is not <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/crony-communism/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">investment-friendly</a>. Political parties pass resolutions warning foreigners not to invest here. Have you heard these critics ever talk about the extortion and loot by Biplav’s faction.</li> 	<li><a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/what-federalism-himal-media-poll,4162" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Federalism</a> is work in progress. We are in uncharted territory to implement power devolution, make new laws, restructure the civil service, we have to convince those who do not accept the constitution. There used to be one government, now there are 753 local, 7 provincial and 1 national governments. It is not easy to make them all pull together.</li></ul>This was our base year, we have given a glimpse of the future, built the foundation, gave Nepal direction. Now we will move on governance, development, and performance.<a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="http://himalkhabar.com/news/10975" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Full text of interview</a> in Nepali here.

Oli's 1st year

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mZq9PMPzTrg&amp;feature=youtu.beIt has been one year since Nepal wrapped up all <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/elections-in-instalments,3776" target="_blank" rel="noopener">three rounds of local elections. </a>There was great hope that devolution would take governance to the grassroots, improve service delivery, and dilute Singha Darbar’s monopoly on power. It did not even take a year for the euphoria to evaporate. There is growing disenchantment with village chiefs, mayors and provincial governments. In some municipalities and villages, people have hit the streets to protest against huge increases in local taxes and t<a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/bulldozing-democracy-in-nepal,4184" target="_blank" rel="noopener">he awarding of contracts to construction companies owned by elected officials. </a>Others have been too slow to get things done, and there is growing impatience with elected local leaders. Krishna Prasad Sapkota, a former DDC Chair and a vocal advocate of decentralisation, admits that most mayors and village chiefs have not lived up to the people’s expectations. But he says it is not entirely their fault. “There is a mismatch between the capacity of local governments and the people’s expectations,” Sapkota told Nepali Times. “People have had to wait a long time for local governments but the mayors and village chiefs lack capacity and resources to fulfil their own promises.” Local governments enjoy 22 exclusive rights under the new Constitution, but Kathmandu still delays and obstructs disbursements. Education and Land Revenue offices are still controlled by the Centre. Worse, the federal government is planning to bring local offices under its jurisdiction, stripping local governments of their constitutional rights to manage forest, education, health and agriculture sectors. Last week, the sixth national convention of the Municipalities Association of Nepal (MuAN) slammed the Centre for trampling on their rights.<iframe width="100%" height="520" frameborder="0" src="https://nepalitimes.carto.com/viz/46f409a0-f211-433f-bd70-30c6f49fe855/embed_map" allowfullscreen="" webkitallowfullscreen="" mozallowfullscreen="" oallowfullscreen="" msallowfullscreen=""></iframe>MuAN’s newly elected General Secretary Bhim Prasad Dhungana, who is also the mayor of Nilkantha Municipality in Dhading, says: “If local offices are controlled by Kathmandu, what is our role?” The Association also wants municipalities to have their own staff, without being deputed by the central bureaucracy. For example, the Centre has changed Dhangadi Municipality’s Chief Executive Officer five times in just one year. “Such frequent transfers slow down our work,” says Dhangadi’s Mayor Nrip Bahadur Odd. As the only Dalit to have been elected mayor last year, Mayor Odd says the Centre also allocates inappropriate staff. “We have five accountants, but we do not have enough engineers. We know best our own staffing needs,” he says.  Public disenchantment resulting from the dismal performance of mayors and village council chiefs has raised fears that people will lose whatever little faith they still have in federalism.  However, there are rays of hope. Despite Kathmandu’s unwillingness to devolve power, six mayors and a deputy mayor featured in this edition of Nepali Times have struggled against all odds to make a difference. Unlike many others, they do not make excuses. They just get on with the work.   		
										<img width="808" height="444" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107161116/636921b79c7e80680e03a0eajpeg.jpg" alt=""/>Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/salma-breaks-her-silence/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Salma breaks her silence</a>, Suresh Bidari<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/rana-regime-restored-in-nepalganj/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Rana regime restored in Nepalgunj</a>, Kunda DixitJu<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/jumlas-great-leap-into-the-future/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">mla's great leap into the future</a>, Krishnamaya Upadhyay<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/a-breath-of-fresh-air-in-thimi/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">A breath of fresh air in Thimi</a>, Monika Deupala<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/a-mayor-of-his-word/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">A mayor of his word</a>, Yuvaraj Shrestha<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/pro-poor-mayor/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Pro-poor mayor</a>, Jiyalal Sah<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/wonderful-waling/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Wonderful Waling</a>, Shashwat Acharya

Super Six

The EU election mission’s report this week that Nepal’s Khas-Arya community should not have quotas for proportional representation has set off a social media storm.The <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/from-the-nepali-press/quotable-quota/">reaction</a> was expected from the likes of the former Deputy Prime Minister Kamal Thapa, or even politicians from the Nepali Congress and UML.But it was ex-Prime Minister Baburam Bhattarai weighing in with a harshly-worded tweet against the EU that surprised many. He asked the EU to shut up, dubbing its statement a ‘condemnable diktat’. He also re-tweeted Foreign Affairs Minister Pradep Gyawali’s post containing Nepal’s statement against the EU’s.As Maoist ideologue, Bhattarai was foremost among those who planted the seeds of identity politics in Nepal. After the 2006 ceasefire, he actively backed ethnicity-based autonomous federal provinces. The trick worked, and more Janajatis and Madhesis stood up against the State.		
		<img width="800" height="573" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221104141140/636516f89c7e80680e02c248jpeg.jpg" alt=""/>As President of a committee responsible for sorting out thorny issues during the Constitution drafting process, he had advocated for quotas for Madhesi and Janajati clusters, and not for the Brahmin/Chhetri. Bhattarai quit the party he founded to set up the Naya Shakti in 2015. Bhattarai has now made a dramatic U-turn, and political analysts say the former prime minister’s course correction is a result of his party’s electoral debacle. While Bhattarai won last year’s election from Gorkha-2 constituency, his new party did not win any parliamentary seat elsewhere.“The Khas-Arya did not trust Bhattarai because he was once against them,” explains Madhesi rights activists Tula Narayan Sah. “But the Madhesi-Janajati did not trust him either because he signed a constitution that discriminated against them.”Sah says Bhattarai has made a calculated move, knowing which direction the wind is blowing: “Why would he otherwise criticise a statement that simply says Khas-Arya are already well-represented?”The Khas-Arya have won about half the seats in Parliament through direct elections, and 30% more through proportional representation. This makes their presence in the House more than double the percentage of their actual population.Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/hail-to-the-chiefs/">Hail to the chiefs</a>, Om Astha Rai

decentralisation